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We don’t want to bleed anymore

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PUBLISHED IN ZEE NEWS INDIA

When the general secretary of the Congress party, Rahul Gandhi walked into the RML Hospital premises on September 07 after the Delhi High Court blast, slogans were shouted against him. And so were against other politicians who came to empathise with the victims and their families. This in many ways is symbolic of the growing frustration of the general public with those who govern them and the apathy with which they are treated.

India has been attacked again and again. Sample this – On March 12, 1993, Mumbai serial bombings shook the financial capital of the country killing more than 250 people. The main accused, Dawood Ibrahim is yet to be extradited to India from Pakistan. On December 13, 2001, more than a dozen people, including five gunmen, were killed in an attack on Parliament. On September 24, 2002, terrorists attacked Akshardham temple in Gujarat. In August 2003, two taxis packed with explosives blew up in Mumbai at crowded areas killing more than 50 people.

In October 2005, three bombs placed in Delhi markets, crowded with Diwali shoppers killed around 62 people and injured hundreds. In July 2006, seven bombs placed on Mumbai’s local trains killed over 200 people. Eight serial blasts rocked Jaipur in a span of 12 minutes in May 2008. On November 26, 2008, attacks on ten locations in Mumbai left more than 180 dead. Pakistani national, Ajmal Kasab has been sentenced to death with an appeal pending before the Supreme Court.

The list, sadly, goes on…

The Ram Pradhan Committee formed after 26/11 attacks to look into the lapses and recommend measures to stop further attacks, called for radical transformation of the police force. In spite of its recommendations, the beat constable is still unequipped, CCTV cameras still do not work and the Maharashtra Anti-Terrorist Squad established in 2004 is reportedly working at some 30 percent of the strength as compared to the numbers sanctioned by the government.

National Intelligence Grid was given approval by the Union Cabinet in June this year, months after the idea was first mooted. The project aimed at facilitating information-sharing among law enforcement agencies to combat terror was apparently delayed because of objections from other ministries, especially that of defence and finance, as they felt that the home ministry would have an unlimited access to all the information.

National Counter Terrorism Council (NCTC), an umbrella body to fight terror is also in the pipeline. Not sure when it will see the light of the day.

Delhi Chief Minister, after the High Court blast, had remarked that “multiplicity of agencies” created functional problem in combating terror and solving cases. To which the Home Minister P Chidambaram had replied that no single body can alone handle internal and external intelligence, policing and counter-terrorism. How often have we heard the government talk in different languages? And if statements like these do no create confusion in the minds of the citizens then what does?

On May 25, 2011, a blast took place at the Delhi High Court car park. Nonetheless it did nothing to wake up the authorities.

Home Minister recently said that Af-Pak was the epicentre of terror and that home-grown terror modules are fertilised from outside. And to a foreign television channel he said, “As far as cross-border terrorism is concerned, we have to continue to put pressure on Pakistan.”
The Indian Mujahideen gained notoriety in 2008 after taking responsibility for blasts in Ahmedabad, Jaipur, Delhi and Assam, even though it had been active since 2003. As per intelligence reports, the IM is being controlled from across the border. It was also reported recently that militants trying to infiltrate into India by June had exceeded the figures of 2010.

In this scenario what good are the photo-ops between SM Krishna and Hina Rabbani Khar, especially if the perpetrators of 26/11 cannot be brought to book? Yes, we cannot change our neighbours but we can certainly change the way we talk to them. Yes, trade and commerce are important issues, but not at the cost of losing innocent lives.

P Chidambram, was supposedly pulled back when he decided to tighten the noose around the Maoists, due to pressures from certain quarters and certain political parties. After the Batkal encounter case in Delhi, senior Congress leader Digvijay Singh, decided to visit Azamgarh. The Afzal Guru hanging case has long been in the public domain for the people to read between the lines. Isn’t it time we stop the policy of appeasement and vote-banks at the cost of bloodshed?

Congress leader Renuka Chowdhry said in a recent television debate, “Do you think that the terrorists will stop if we have a CCTV? What do you do when terrorists are ready to die?” After the serial blasts in Mumbai in July, Prithviraj Chavan, CM of Maharashtra lamented, “Terror groups are active and are able to strike at will.” Instead of statements like these, we need our leaders to send out a stern message to all terror groups that India will go after them in hot pursuit. And we also need a strong anti-terror law in place.

We have generic information about impending attacks but are we in a position to have specific and actionable and preventive attacks. Do our intelligence agencies depend too much on technical intelligence? Prime Minister Manmohan Singh expressed the same concern at a recent event when he said that security establishment needed to improve its, “human intelligence capabilities”.

Leader of Opposition in Rajya Sabha, Arun Jaitley said in a television interview, post the Delhi HC blast, “The most dangerous thing is that in the last six or so blasts, the cases are by and large unsolved.”

Think over this – On December 7, 2010, a bomb went off at a Varanasi ghat killing a two-year old girl with no arrests made in the case so far. On December 19, 2010, gunmen on motorbikes shot at a tourist bus injuring two persons. It was considered to be IM’s handiwork. The case is unsolved. On July 13, 2011, triple blasts in Mumbai killed 21 persons, with IM being the prime suspect. ATS is investigating, with an arrest only very recently. On April 6, 2011, two blasts took place in Maligaon in Assam which killed 7 persons. Investigation is on, ULFA are the main suspects. Inspite of some arrests, it is said that the main culprit is still in the run. And the very recent May 25, 2011, Delhi High Court car park blast with no casualties. It too remains unsolved. And add to it the 7/11 blast again at Delhi HC – not much headway in this case either.

Yes, it is a cause for alarm if cases of terror attacks are unsolved for a long period of time.

Amidst all these spare a thought for the victims of the bomb blasts – past and present and if I may add with a dread – the future. The citizens don’t want to be saluted anymore for their so called resilience and die-hard-spirit – what they want is to live in peace and dignity. And anyways what choice do they have than to get up and get going the next day?

Yes, maybe terror attacks all over the world cannot be prevented all the time. Nonetheless, it is important for the government and the intelligence agencies of the day to be perceived as trying to do their best.

 

ORIGIN: http://zeenews.india.com/news/world/we-don-t-want-to-bleed-anymore_734644.html

Renting and service tax

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PUBLISHED IN THE HINDU BUSINESS LINE

The plenary power of Parliament to legislate in determining relevance of service tax is subject to the Constitution.

 In Budget 2010, the Government used its Brahmastra and amended the Finance Act, 1994, levying service tax on renting of property. To ensure that the weapon was truly effective, the levy was made retrospective, with effect from June 1, 2007.

This measure was to counter the opinion — given twice — of the Delhi High Court, in Home Solution Retail, that the pure act of renting wouldn’t amount to a taxable service, since there is no value-addition involved.

It also sent signals to the Supreme Court, before whom a petition on that issue was pending, that the power of the Government to levy a tax under the Constitution is extremely wide. A bevy of petitions before the Mumbai High Court were disposed off recently, disagreeing with the opinion of the Delhi High Court.

MUMBAI HIGH COURT DECISION

In Retailers Association of India Vs Union of India and Ors, the Mumbai High Court reconsidered the constitutional validity of a service tax on rentals.

It noticed that the Supreme Court had an occasion to consider similar petitions in four landmark cases against the Union of India — Tamil Nadu Kalyana Mandapam, Gujarat Ambuja Cement, All India Federation of Tax Practitioners and Association of Leasing and Financial Services Companies. Considering a plethora of other Apex Court decisions, the Mumbai High Court held that the legislative basis that has been adopted by the Parliament in subjecting taxable services involved in the renting of property to the charge of service tax cannot be questioned.

The assumption by a legislative body, that an element of service is involved in the renting of immovable property is certainly not an assumption which can be regarded by the Court as being so manifestly perverse as to lead to an inference that the Parliament had treated as a service, an item which in no rational sense could be regarded as involving service.

But more significantly, even if the Court were to proceed on the basis, suggested by the petitioners, that no element of service is involved, that would not make the legislation beyond the legislative competence of Parliament.

As long as the legislation doesn’t trench upon a field which has been reserved to the State legislatures, the only conclusion that can be drawn is that the law must be treated as valid and within the purview of the field set apart for Parliament.

The petitioners were also irked by the retrospective application of the law. The Mumbai High Court was of the opinion that Parliament has the plenary power to enact legislation on the fields, which are set out in List I and List III of the Seventh Schedule.

RETROSPECTIVE APPLICATION

The plenary power of Parliament to legislate can extend to enacting legislation both with prospective and with retrospective effect. That, however, is subject to the mandate of Article 14 of the Constitution, which states that the State shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India.

The Mumbai High Court agreed with the decision of the Supreme Court held in Bakhtawar Trust Vs M. D. Narayan, wherein it was held that it is open to the legislature to alter the law retrospectively, provided the alteration is made in such a manner that it would be no more possible for the Court to arrive at the same verdict.

BEFORE THE SUPREME COURT

The decision of the Mumbai High Court follows the pattern of a host of High Courts, agreeing to disagree with the logic of the Delhi High Court in Home Solution Retail — the Punjab and Haryana High Court in Shubh Timb Steels, Orissa High Court in Utkal Builders and the Ahmedabad High Court in Cinemax India.

These decisions, along with the fact that renting of immovable property is not in the initial list of negative services, would be food for thought for the Supreme Court.

While all the developments post-Home India point to validating the levy, the Supreme Court could think of constitutional precedents and judicial cases to rule that the tax is applicable only from 2010 onwards, and not 2007.

 

(The author is a Bangalore-based chartered accountant.)

ORIGIN: http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/features/mentor/article2506762.ece?homepage=true

Judicial activism Of corrupt individuals, media trial and justice

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PUBLISHED IN GREATER KASHMIR

The recent past has witnessed a good measure of writs, orders and directions from the Supreme Court of India which could be termed classical examples of Judicial Activism, an expression used invariably to connote meaning when courts pronounce on matters which usually and in the ordinary course of things do not fall within their well defined areas of operation or jurisdiction. Legally the courts in these matters may not be lacking jurisdiction totally, but as a matter of practice which over a long period of time has hardened into an unwritten rule, the courts do not interfere in such matters as are best left to the discretion or powers of the Executive or Legislature.
There might have been instances of judicial activism in the country in the past but then the constitutional doctrine of separation of powers was never lost sight of. The Supreme Court of India while dealing with various matters and while giving new dimensions to the concept of rule of law and taking the concept of rule of law to higher legal heights had always refrained from making pronouncements on matters of public policy followed by the executive. Thus the often spoken about doctrine-of-separation of powers between the judiciary, executive and parliament was respected and clearly kept in mind.
Without going into finer details as to what could be termed as judicial activism or pure judicial functioning and not trying to lay down lines of distinction between the two, let us come straight way to the recent unusual decisions or directions of Supreme Court which have once again brought the debate to the fore. All this started when in the recent past Mr. Subramanium Swami approached the Supreme Court of India seeking directions on to CBI to probe in to the 2 G Scam. In his petition Mr. Swami maintained that he had written to the Prime Minister of India to grant sanction for the prosecution of Mr. Raja the then Telecom Minister but the Prime Minister did not grant the same, he further said that he had written to the Prime Minister in this connection in November, 2008. Till then no FIR was lodged in 2G Scam. One wonders as to how the Prime Minister could grant sanction to prosecute Mr. Raja merely on the petition of Mr. Swami. However, an FIR was lodged in 2G Scam in October, 2009 and the Supreme Court started to monitor investigation into the case. What followed is history.
The accused in 2G Scam where subjected to media trial on the one hand and on the other hand the Supreme Court of India while monitoring the investigation acted in a method and manner, that gave rise to many legal ponderables, for instance that one of the cardinal principles of criminal jurisprudence, ‘an accused is presumed to be innocent till his guilt is proved beyond doubt at the trial of the case’ was given a burial and an impression was created that whatever the investigating agency comes forthwith is the gospel truth and that as if the guilt of the accused was already proved, so much so that the concession of bail to the accused persons was also denied to them. Though the case even if proved, does not carry death penalty not even life imprisonment as punishment. In thousands of cases across the country which are heinous in nature and where the allegations are grave, but do not carry death penalty as punishment accused are enjoying the benefit of bail because in the legal system in this country bail and not jail is the rule, especially at the pre-trial stage. However, in the case under discussion again the cardinal principal of law relating to bail that (bail is not to be with held as a matter of punishment) was given a good bye. That the accused is presumed to be innocent and the presumption of innocence is in favour of the accused till proved guilty beyond any shadow of doubt and he has right to remain on bail as a presumable innocent person, all this and many other principles of criminal jurisprudence and criminal justice system received a burial.
Any one belonging to legal profession with even slight understanding of the criminal jurisprudence and criminal justice system, can safely say that in the heat and dust created by such cases as 2G Scam, the courts of the country have allowed the long respected cardinal principles of criminal justice system to become a causality and in fact have made these so.

 

A pertinent question stares one in his or her eye that as to what purpose of law and justice is served by keeping Kalanmozi in continued judicial custody, would she flee justice if she was allowed bail? Women are allowed bail even in cases which involve death penalty or life imprisonment as punishment. Kalanmozi is an ML P. and very well known person in her own rights and has very strong roots in society. Therefore, there is no reason in law to withhold her bail.
Another disturbing instance is Hassan Ali’s case, why is he still in jail, when the allegations against him are failing apart in spite of what the investigating agency had to publicize about him and in spite of very strong observations of the Supreme Court in his case. He was put to media trial much before his actual trial in a court of law would start and people were given to believe that Hassan Ali is involved in money laundering in a big way and that he is the king pin in the matter of stashing black money in foreign banks. He was publicized to be owing Rupees Seventy Two Thousands crores of income tax to the country by the investigating agency and in a rush perhaps the Supreme Court not only formed a S.I.T. to investigate the black money stashed in foreign banks but also at one point in time observed that why shouldn’t the government invoke terror laws against him. His bail was cancelled and he was jailed. His rights which the Constitution gives him were violated by the very judiciary which is supposed to protect tire fundamental rights of the citizens, which includes the accused persons also.
(The author is advocate J&K High Court)

ORIGIN: http://www.greaterkashmir.com/news/2011/Sep/15/judicial-activism-83.asp

Will court rulings on PF affect you?

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SONU IYER IN LIVE MINT

Are you a member of the Indian Provident Fund (PF)? Do you contribute 12% of your basic salary every month into the PF? Is your CTC (cost to company) divided into basic salary and various allowances such as conveyance allowance, asset allowance, education allowance and special allowance? Are you an HR manager in a company where you handle the above set of employees? If your answer is yes for any of these questions, then you may find this article useful.

After the specific inclusion of international workers in the Provident Fund Scheme in October 2008 and then further amendments in September 2010, the recent Madhya Pradesh and Madras high court rulings are the latest to add to the woes of employees and HR directors/chief financial officers of many companies.

Very briefly, the high courts have held that various allowances such as conveyance allowance and special allowance form part of basic wages for calculation of PF contribution.

Reinforcing existing law

What needs to be considered here is whether the high court rulings have laid down some new principles or are these more a way of reinforcement the existing law. To understand this, let us discuss the concept of PF contribution and basic wages in greater detail.

Under the Provident Fund Act, an employer is required to contribute 12% of the basic wages, dearness allowance and retaining allowance (if any) paid to the employees to the Provident Fund and Pension Scheme. The employee is required to match the contribution made by the employer.

Basic wages are defined to mean all emoluments in accordance with the terms of the contract of employment and which are paid or payable in cash, but does not include cash value of any food concession, dearness allowance, house rent allowance, overtime allowance, bonus, commission or any other similar allowance and presents made by the employer.Thus, the definition of basic wages in the Provident Fund Act seems to suggest the intention of including all cash emoluments unless the same is specifically excluded.

On this topic, the Supreme Court of India has ruled that any payment, which is universally, necessarily and ordinarily paid to all across the board is included in basic wages.

The Supreme Court has also mentioned that a payment that is specifically made to those who avail of an opportunity such as an overtime allowance is not to be included in basic wages. Also, any payment by way of special incentive or work or which is based upon contingencies is excluded.

Therefore, it is fair to say that the high court rulings only serve to reinforce the above principles laid down by the Supreme Court earlier. Subsequent to the high court rulings, the PF head office has issued internal directions to regional offices (available in the public domain) that the rulings of high courts may be utilized by the regional offices as per the merits of the case as and when similar situations arise in the field offices.

The concerns

This has caused apprehension among the employer community. Whether this would lead to increased PF audit activity? Whether employers would be asked to pay contribution on such allowances retrospectively? Whether this would lead to increased cost of PF in case of international workers and have an impact on their business plan?

The major concern here is of the employees who are worried since this would reduce their take-home salary drastically. In the current CTC structure which is generally followed in most companies, if both the employer’s and the employee’s share of additional contribution is deducted from the CTC, there will be a major impact on the employee’s take-home salary. While there will be some tax saving on the employer’s portion of contribution as the same is non-taxable, the deduction of the employee’s contribution under section 80C of the Income-tax Act will be limited to Rs1 lakh annually.

The way out: But the situation does not seem to be so bleak. Particularly, in case of local employees, the Provident Fund Scheme does provide a cap. There is merit in saying that employer’s and employee’s contribution to the Provident Fund Scheme can be limited to the base of Rs6,500 per month. However, if the employee so chooses, he may opt to make an additional contribution. Therefore, in respect of local employees, the employer can still take a position of limiting monthly contribution to the base of Rs6,500.

Still to be examined

Also, the generally accepted principle of not contributing on special allowance and certain other allowance on the basis of certain old PF circulars may also be examined. The argument that the earlier PF audits did not impose any requirement to contribute on such allowance may also be brought up.

For international workers, this needs to be examined differently as the limit of Rs6,500 per month does not apply to them. For international workers, what needs to be analysed is whether the test of universality needs to be applied for the company as a whole (including local employees) or for the international worker population only. Also, what needs an analysis is whether it can be argued that allowances paid to expatriate employees during the period of assignment can be considered as contingent as these are paid only while they are away from their home country and thus excluded from the scope of basic wages.

The writer is tax partner, Ernst & Young.

ORIGIN: http://www.livemint.com/2011/09/12215809/Will-court-rulings-on-PF-affec.html?h=B

14 Bills (11 in the Lok Sabha and 3 in the Rajya Sabha) introduced during the Monsoon Session

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LAXMAN PRASAD IN LAWYERSCLUBINDIA

The Lok Sabha passes 13 Bills and the Rajya Sabha passes 09 Bills during the session

 The Monsoon Session, 2011 of Parliament which commenced on Monday, the 1st of August, 2011, concluded on Thursday, the 8th of September, 2011.  The Session provided 26 sittings spread over a period of 39 days.

During the Session, Supplementary Demands for Grants (General) for 2011-12 and the related Appropriation Bill, was discussed and passed by the Lok Sabha. Thereafter, the Rajya Sabha considered and returned the Appropriation Bill.

In Lok Sabha, Motion regarding price rise, calling upon the Government “to take immediate effective steps to check inflation that will give relief to the common man”, moved by Shri Yashwant Sinha was discussed and adopted without voting.

One Bill replacing the Ordinance, namely, the Indian Medical Council (Amendment) Ordinance, 2011 which was promulgated by the President, was considered and passed by both the Houses of Parliament during the Session. Another Ordinance, namely, the Indian Institute of Information Technology, Design and Manufacturing, Kancheepuram Ordinance, 2011 which was promulgated by the President, could not be replaced by an Act of Parliament.

In the Lok Sabha, five Short Duration Discussions under Rule 193 were held on (i)Commonwealth Games, 2010; (ii) Relief and resettlement of Tamils in Sri Lanka; (iii) Setting up of Lokpal and certain events that took place on 16.08.2011 in Delhi; (iv) Widespread corruption in the country; and (v) issues relating to setting up of a Lok Pal.

In the Rajya Sabha, four Short Duration Discussions under Rule 176 were held on (i) Growing incidents of terrorism in the country; (ii) Commonwealth Games, 2010; (iii) Growing incidence corruption in the country; and (iv) Problems being faced by Sri Lankan Tamils. Besides, clarifications were sought on the statement made by Prime Minister on setting up of a Lok Pal.

Besides, 2 Calling Attentions in Lok Sabha and one Calling Attention in Rajya Sabha were discussed.  One Half-an-hour discussion each in Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha was also discussed.

During the Session, 14 Bills (11 in the Lok Sabha and 3 in the Rajya Sabha) were introduced.  The Lok Sabha passed 13 Bills and the Rajya Sabha passed 09 Bills during the session. A list containing the titles of the Bills introduced, and, considered and passed during the Session is given below:

 

 

LEGISLATIVE BUSINESS TRANSACTED DURING EIGHTH SESSEION OF FIFTEENTH LOK SABHA AND 223rd SESSION OF RAJYA SABHA

(MONSOON SESSION, 2011)

 

I – BILLS INTRODUCED   IN LOK SABHA

 

1.       The Indian Medical Council (Amendment) Bill, 2011

2.       The Lokpal Bill, 2011

3.       The Indian Institute of Information Technology, Design and Manufacturing, Kancheepuram Bill, 2011

4.       The Appropriation (No.3) Bill, 2011

5.       The Damodar Valley Corporation (Amendment) Bill, 2011

6.       The Customs (Amendment and Validation), Bill, 2011

7.       The Benami Transactions (Prohibition) Bill, 2011

8.       The National Academic Depository Bill, 2011

9.       The Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Bill, 2011

10.   The Nuclear Safety Regulatory Authority Bill, 2011

11.   The Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances (Amendment) Bill, 2011

 

II – BILLS PASSED BY LOK SABHA

 

1.       The Appropriation (No.3) Bill, 2011

2.       The State Bank of India (Subsidiary Banks Laws) Amendment Bill, 2009

3.       The Transplantation of Human Organs (Amendment) Bill, 2009

4.       The National Institutes of Technology (Amendment) Bill, 2010

5.       The Customs (Amendment and Validation) Bill, 2011

6.       The Indian Medical Council (Amendment) Bill, 2011

7.       The Jawaharlal Institute of Post Graduate Medical Education and Research, Puducherry (Amendment) Bill, 2011

8.       The Indian Institute of Information Technology, Design and Manufacturing, Kancheepuram Bill, 2011

9.       The Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Amendment Bill, 2011

10.   The National Council for Teacher Education (Amendment) Bill, 2011

11.   The Academy of Scientific and Innovative Research Bill, 2010

12.   The Orissa (Alteration of Name) Bill, 2011

13.   The Constitution (One Hundred and Thirteenth Amendment) Bill, 2011

 

III – BILLS INTRODUCED  IN RAJYA SABHA

1.       The Inter-State Migrant Workmen (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Bill, 2011

2.       The Border Security Force (Amendment) Bill, 2011

3.       The Administrators-General (Amendment) Bill, 2011

 

IV – BILLS PASSED BY RAJYA SABHA

1.       The Jawaharlal Institute of Post Graduate Medical Education and Research, Puducherry (Amendment) Bill, 2010

2.       The Appropriation (No.3) Bill, 2011

3.       The Coinage Bill, 2011

4.       The Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children ) Amendment Bill, 2010

5.       The National Council for Teacher Education (Amendment) Bill, 2010

6.       The State Bank of India (Subsidiary Banks Laws) Amendment Bill, 2011

7.       The Transplantation of Human Organs (Amendment) Bill, 2011

8.       The Indian Medical Council (Amendment) Bill, 2011

9.       The Customs (Amendment and Validation) Bill, 2011

 

ORIGIN:  http://www.lawyersclubindia.com/news/14-Bills-11-in-the-Lok-Sabha-and-3-in-the-Rajya-Sabha-introduced-during-the-Monsoon-Session-13334.asputm_source=newsletter&utm_content=news&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=nl_15_09_2011

Why the land acquisition bill is flawed

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GOPAL KRISHNA IN REDIFF NEWS

The Land Acquisition Rehabilitation and Resettlement Bill 2011 argues for a perfect land market, unrestrained urbanisation and industrialization, says activist Gopal Krishna.

On September 7, Jairam Ramesh introduced the Land Acquisition Rehabilitation and Resettlement Bill 2011 in the Lok Sabha within six days of the end of the public comment period on the bill that is to replace a 116 year old colonial law. This bill argues for a perfect land market, unrestrained urbanisation and industrialisation.

It sounds strange that rural development ministry is working for urban development as if latter is unquestionably the pre-condition for the well being of rural people and their ecosystem. Will the prime minister reveal the role of urban development ministry if what rural development ministry is doing is indeed its mandate?

Will Ramesh explain as to whether what he said as secretary, economic affairs, Indian National Congress remains relevant or not? Ramesh, a representative “of a generation that was created by public investment” and as a key player in developing India‘s 1991 economic reforms said in 2001 that “in 1715 they (India) accounted for 25 percent of world industrial output, so it’s always been an industrial nation in that sense of the term.”

Caught in the time warp and frozen with the contested develop-mentality, corporate fund driven political parties and NGOs are out to decisively put the State and the natural resources on sale unmindful of its cognitive and ecological cost and intergenerational inequity that it promotes almost forever. Both ruling parties and most of the opposition parties are hand in glove in this regard.

These anti-citizen entities are acting as if present and future citizens, gram sabhas, panchayats and zilla parishads do not matter. Their responses to enactment of Special Economic Zone Act, 2005 and its implementation is a case in point.

The Special Economic Zones and land acquisition by companies are about generating financial wealth with naked political patronage at the cost of natural and human wealth. The Land Acquisition Act, 1894 has been useful for it. It is indeed “painfully evident that the basic law has become archaic”. It used to be said that company is an artifact of law, it now appears that law such as this is an artifact of companies. Every act of privatisation of the government through legislations like these is quite painful too.

If that is not the case why should State use its sovereign power to acquire land for companies either partially or fully in the name of industrial and urban development or legislate to facilitate the same? If ‘development’ wasn’t a notorious and negative word why has a benign and positive word ‘sustainable’ pre-fixed to it unmindful of this the bill cites developmental imperatives with the assumption of its innocence.

The argument of Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs that acquisition of land for industrial and urban development is a necessity — is driven by corporate funding of ruling and opposition parties since 2003 when the ban on company donations was lifted. Clause 59 of the Land Acquisition Rehabilitation and Resettlement Bill, 2011 deals with the provision of ‘penalty for obstructing acquisition of land’ seems to be about punishing the protesters and dissenters.

It reads: “Whoever willfully obstructs any person in doing any of the acts authorised by section 9 or section 15, or willfully fills up, destroys, damages or displaces any trench or mark made under section 15, shall, on conviction before a magistrate, be liable to imprisonment for any term not exceeding one month, or to fine not exceeding five hundred rupees, or to both.” Ramesh argues that this is required because “Land markets in India are imperfect.”

Is it a coincidence that Ramesh who is also a member of the Cabinet Committee on Unique Identification Authority of India related issues has introduced UID provision in Section 10 and 36 of the Land Titling Bill, 2011?

Will CCEA and CCUIDAI reveal all the proposed legislations that are aimed at creating property based democracy?

Can parliament, all its standing committees, state governments and state’s legislative bodies ever exchange notes to unearth the legislative web being woven at the behest of transnational financial institutions before it is too late?

In the backdrop of such unanswered questions, the 70-page LARR Bill has 74 Sections and 3 schedules in its English version to deal with the grievance accumulated since 1894. Clause 69 of the bill deals with the ‘Return of Unutilised Land’.

It reads: “(1) The land acquired under this Act shall not be transferred to any other purpose except for a public purpose, and after obtaining the prior approval of the appropriate government, and any change in purpose made in violation of this provision shall be void and shall render such land and structures attached to it liable to be reverted to the land owner.

(2) When any land or part thereof, acquired under this act remains unutilised for a period of five years from the date of taking over the possession, the same shall return to the land owner by reversion;

(3) The appropriate government shall return the unutilised land or part thereof, as the case may be, to the original owner of the land from whom it was acquired subject to the refund of one fourth of the amount of compensation paid to him along with the interest on such amount at such rate, as may be specified by the appropriate government, from the date of payment of compensation to him till the refund of such amount; and

(4) The person to whom the land is returned being the owner of the land shall be entitled to all such title and rights in relation to such land from which he has been divested on the acquisition of such land.”

Dr Usha Ramanathan, a noted jurist, asks, “What happens when they (the displaced) are unable to buy it back” when the unutilised land is returned. This section permits the transfer of land for another public purpose. This particular clause is not acceptable and has to be removed from the draft bill. Unmindful of widespread concern in the academia and among citizens, the bill has been approved in a tearing hurry by the Union Cabinet which gives rise to valid questions about player behind the curtain in the backdrop of declaration of assets by billionaire ministers.

Schedule I of the bill deals with “compensation for land owners”, Schedule II deals with the “list of rehabilitation and resettlement entitlements for all the affected families (both land owners and the families whose livelihood is primarily dependent on land acquired) in addition to those provided in Schedule I and Schedule III deal with “provision of infrastructural amenities” for resettlement of populations “to minimise the trauma involved in displacement.”

Referring to schedule II, Ramaswamy R Iyer, former secretary, union water resources aptly concludes that “The principle of ‘land for land’ has been abandoned” because it is applied for irrigation projects alone that too with a provision that is inferior to the ones made for the displaced in the Sardar Sarovar Project. The Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs appears to be under undue influence from the funders of ruling political parties both at the centre and the states to exclude projects for power, mining, flood management, SEZ, urban development and several other ‘multi-purpose’ projects that cause displacement. So far neither the ministry nor the CCEA has responded to it.

The bill fails to address the question of transfer of agricultural land to non-agricultural use and the implications for food security although it does refer to multi-cropped irrigated land but it is hardly sufficient. It seems to be pursuing the path of regressive Bihar Agriculture Land (Conversion for Non Agriculture Purposes) Act, 2010 which is facing bitter opposition especially in cases where widely acknowledged and awarded fertile lands are being acquired for hazardous asbestos factories amidst paid news journalism and studied silence of opposition parties in the state.

If this is the fate of a state government whose head keeps referring to Ram Manohar Lohia’s four tier governance, it is understandable why most of the socialist experiments become an exercise in sophistry. Instead of ensuring that private purchases of agricultural land be subject of state regulation from the point of view of land-use, water-use, soil health and food security, such legislations are indulging in a myopic exercise of according priority to creation of financial wealth at any non-financial cost and risks.

Section 2 of the LARR Bill deal with the definition of the expression “public purpose” includes- (i) the provision of land for strategic purposes relating to naval, military, air force and armed forces of the Union or any work vital to national security or defence of India or state police, safety of the people; (ii) the provision of land for infrastructure, industrialisation and urbanisation projects of the appropriate government, where the benefits largely accrue to the general public; (iii) the provision of village or urban sites, acquisition of land for the project affected people, planned development or improvement of village sites, provision of land for residential purpose to the poor, government administered educational and health schemes, (iv) the provision of land for any other purpose useful to the general public, including land for companies, for which at least 80 per cent of the project affected people have given their consent through a prior informed process; provided that where a private company after having purchased part of the land needed for a project, for public purpose, seeks the intervention of the appropriate government to acquire the balance of the land it shall be bound by rehabilitation and resettlement provisions of this Act for the land already acquired through private negotiations and it shall be bound by all provisions of this Act for the balance area sought to be acquired. (v) the provision of land for residential purposes to the poor or landless or to persons residing in areas affected by natural calamities, or to persons displaced or affected by reason of the implementation of any scheme undertaken by government, any local authority or a corporation owned or controlled by the State”. This definition of “public purpose” or common good to destroys “the distinction between private use and public use”.

In a text “Some notes on the Draft Land Acquisition and Rehabilitation Bill 2011”, Ramanathan states that “The eminent domain power in India is not, and in any event should not be, so wide” wherein an inverted Robin Hood is created which takes from the poor to give to the rich.

The draconian black law of 1894 which is proposed to be replaced in the backdrop of massive bitter opposition to Special Economic Zones and environmentally damaging projects in Jaitapur, Haripur, Ghaziabad, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Bihar and Goa where lessons have not been learnt from the bloodshed and violence in Nandigram and Singur.

The proposal to amend the Atomic Energy Act, 1962 in the aftermath of West Bengal’s denunciation of Haripur nuclear power project in the aftermath of Fukushima and abandonment of nuclear power projects in Germany, Japan and other countries is uncalled for. But strangely, the Nuclear Safety Regulatory Authority Bill, 2011 was introduced on September 7 itself without any public comments on the Bill. Both these Bills should be deferred till it provides for moratorium on acquisition of land for nuclear power projects.

Unlike in US, the Supreme Court of India observed, “The Act, which was enacted more than 116 years ago for facilitating the acquisition of land. However, in the recent years, the country has witnessed a new phenomena. Large tracts of land have been acquired in rural parts of the country in the name of development and transferred to private entrepreneurs, who have utilised the same for construction of multi-storied complexes, commercial centers and for setting up industrial units. Similarly, large scale acquisitions have been made on behalf of the companies by invoking the provisions contained in Part VII of the Act. The resultant effect of these acquisitions is that the land owners, who were doing agricultural operations and other ancillary activities in rural areas, have been deprived of the only source of their livelihood. Majority of them do not have any idea about their constitutional and legal rights, which can be enforced by availing the constitutional remedies under Articles 32 and 226 of the Constitution.”

If the bills are not sensitive to these observations in a context of corporate funding to political parties even if passed by the Parliament, they can be struck down by the apex court as contrary to the Preamble of our Constitution.

Admittedly, there is “asymmetry of power (and information) between those wanting to acquire the land and those whose lands are being acquired” but the role of futures markets in land within India and the land being acquired in African countries does not find any mention. Also “asymmetry of power and information” is acknowledged only to be ignored as if it’s a merely an exercise in lip-service. The bill ignores how acquisition of land affects acquisition of water as well. The ministry has failed to provide a white paper on the impact of 1894 Act since its enactment before independence and after independence. A compensation and rehabilitation regime is needed with “reference not to the nature of the project but to the nature of the impact.”

The parliamentary standing committee on rural development must ask for the status of the total land acquired and the total number of internally displaced persons till the introduction of the Bill in Parliament. Without such a paper and data, the ministry’s rush to get the bill passed is an act in haste which generations to come will repent and it will be considered a monumental failure of Ramesh if he does not undertake rigorous outreach before arriving at a research based decision.

Has his ministry bothered to send this bill to all the sarpanchs and mukhiyas of the country in their language to ascertain its implications and provide suggestions? The passage of the bill in its current shape must be deferred till this is done. The minister can check with his ministry, there is a precedent in this regard, a rural development minister had written such letters to sarpanchs.

This author was shown one such letter in a panchayat at a gram sabha meeting of Mendha Lekha, Dhanora tehsil in Gadchiroli district in July-August 2001. It would indeed be a sad commentary on the ministry and the standing committee headed by Sumitra Mahajan of Bhartiya Janata Party if they fail to genuinely reach out to villages before finalising the bill. The bill must factor in the provisions of Article 243 (G) of the Indian Constitution and Panchayat Extension to the Scheduled Areas (PESA) Act, 1996. It must desist from “forced industrialisation” and forced urbanisation.

This is required to deal with an uncertain future being manufactured by real estate, food and water companies to safeguard agricultural land from being grabbed by powerful national and transnational companies that can undermine parliament, state assemblies, gram sabhas, panchayats, zilla parishads and the government for good by depriving us of our food sovereignty. If our legislature can legislate on land use, water use, land acquisition, rehabilitation, resettlement and land titling with the memory of country’s past share in world trade, it will be acting to restore the sovereignty of our Parliament and ensure that companies of all ilk remain subservient to its legislative will.

ORIGIN: http://www.rediff.com/news/column/why-the-land-acquisition-bill-is-flawed/20110913.htm

 


 

HC notice to UT: Evolve fool-proof security system

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PUBLISHED IN THE INDIAN EXPRESS

In wake of September 7 bomb blast in Delhi, PIL exposes lax security measures for entry into High Court

The Punjab and Haryana High Court on Friday issued notices to Chandigarh Administration on a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) seeking directions to Chandigarh Administration to evolve and install a fool-proof security system.

Suggestions were made to install a system with modern electronic gadgets, equipments and Closed-circuit television (CCTV) Cameras on the pattern of security systems installed in the Supreme Court of India.

The petition has been filed by Advocate H C Arora.

Referring to the security system in the High Court, the petitioner contended that “…The security system in the High Court is quite lax. Anybody can enter from gate number 1 after assuring that he needs to get an affidavit attested from an Oath Commissioner. Anybody pretending to be a government officer can get unrestricted entry through the gates.”

“Entry is at will after lunch for all visitors. Any mischievous element can enter the High Court premises after posing as an advocate by wearing a black coat and a white collar band.”It read, “Laxity in the security system can pose a serious threat to the life and liberty of innocent citizens, including lawyers and the staff of the High Court.”

The petitioner has sought that the security system shall be set up in due consultation with the High Court on administrative side and the High Court Bar Association, in wake of the bomb blast which took place in Delhi High Court.

SC security measures

* Permanent passes with photographs to permanent members of the Supreme Court Bar Association or to outside advocates, issued at the instance of the Bar Association.

* Temporary passes issued at the spot to outsider advocates, after establishing their identity based on voter identity card, or the Enrollment Card issued by concerned Bar Counsel.

* Temporary separate passes issued in a similar manner to litigants, on the basis of strict proof of their identity.

* Entry being allowed to petitioners in person, only for the particular Court Room where they have to appear or watch the proceedings of their own cases, where after they have to leave the premises of the Supreme Court

* Frisking of all visitors, except those with permanent passes, and staff of the Supreme Court of India

* CCTV Cameras keeping account of activities of all visitors to Supreme Court of India

* No entry of persons other than lawyers to the bar rooms.